Anonymous

The State Theaters have recently come under the spotlight due to a protest. The incident took place during the traditional Afife Jale Awards ceremony. Who was Afife Jale? In the early 20th century, when Istanbul was still under occupation, she became the first Turkish woman to appear on stage. The awards are presented every year in her memory.

Who is Ayşe Barım? Those who should know her, don’t. The people of this country—who have lived all their lives below the poverty line, and not even all of them, only a few—first heard her name in the news bulletins. When? Exactly 248 days ago, when she was arrested. They didn’t know Ayşe Barım, but in the evenings they gathered with their families or friends, cracking sunflower seeds and watching TV dramas with excitement. Yet those viewers had no idea what was happening behind the screen. Behind the mesmerizing shows they watched so devotedly stood an unknown figure. Under the headlines “Çağlayan Courthouse / Silivri Prison,” Ayşe Barım was forced—by the hand of the judiciary, not by her own will—to step onto the stage from behind the curtains.

“In every heart hides a lion.” This is a common folk saying. And in every CHP member’s heart and mind lies the thought: “One day I could be chair of the party.” A sort of “Why not?” sentiment. Let’s put aside the phrase “every CHP member” as it might be an exaggeration—but still, 90% of them live with this mindset, something unseen in any other party. No matter their place inside the party—ordinary member or deputy chair—it makes no difference. What fuels this thought is not what has happened so far, but the fact that names keep surfacing for the chairmanship. The reasoning is: “If he can do it, why can’t I?”

Religious Affairs Directorate head Ali Erbaş’s term has come to an end. He held the post for eight years. In other words, during the last eight years of the ruling party’s 23-year tenure, Turkey’s religious life was under Erbaş’s administration. Heads of the directorate, known as the Diyanet in Turkish, have always been subjects of debate, but Erbaş has been at the very peak of this controversy.

Gürsel Tekin is the child of a family that migrated to Istanbul immediately after the 1980 military coup that turned Turkey upside down. The family’s roots lie in the province that was then called Kars, now Ardahan—a region where leftist and socialist movements were strong before the coup.

Numan Kurtulmuş is currently the speaker of the Turkish Grand National Assembly, and as such also chairs the “National Solidarity, Brotherhood, and Democracy Commission” formed to seek a solution to the Kurdish question. But if we were to borrow the rhetorical style of MHP leader Devlet Bahçeli, we might ask: “Who is Kurtulmuş, where did he come from, and where is he heading?”

Don’t underestimate Beyoğlu. If a survey were conducted asking Turks to name the two districts they know best, the top answers would likely be Istanbul’s Beyoğlu and Ankara’s Çankaya. Çankaya is well known because it houses Atatürk’s legacy, the Republic, parliament, state institutions, and embassies.

Özlem Çerçioğlu has been elected mayor of Aydın from the CHP for four consecutive terms. She also previously served two terms as a CHP lawmaker. Before delving into the political dimension, it’s worth examining the nickname she’s been given—“Topuklu Efe” (Efe in High Heels).

The Kurdish political movement is a powerful women's movement as well. Within the movement, the female force is often described as “women’s revolution.” That’s why the “two Ks” in the title stand for Kurdish and Kadın (Woman). Pervin Buldan is one of the most prominent figures representing this female presence within the Kurdish political movement.

You wouldn’t know Ramazan Şaşkın. Likely, no one does beyond his family, friends, and the people in his town. In his 38 years, Ramazan Şaşkın only became news in death. The story goes like this: “While battling a fire in Bursa, a firefighter suffered a heart attack and died.”