The PKK’s disarmament is set to begin, two months after the group announced its dissolution on May 12—marking the symbolic end of nearly half a century of armed conflict. Attention is now turning to Turkey’s Parliament, which political parties across the spectrum have identified as the proper venue to address the Kurdish issue.
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan responded to the PKK’s dissolution announcement by saying, “Once the organization fulfills its responsibilities, it becomes a matter for politics to discuss, negotiate, and move forward.” Parliament Speaker Numan Kurtulmuş has since taken the first step toward forming a special parliamentary commission.
The six political party groups represented in Parliament have submitted proposals regarding the structure and mandate of the commission. Kurtulmuş is preparing a preliminary plan based on these suggestions, with the aim of finalizing it through negotiations next week. The commission is expected to be established before Parliament goes into recess on July 20 and to work throughout the summer.
AKP AND OPPOSITION DIFFER ON TYPE AND DECISION MAKING
Opposition parties have called for the commission to be established by law as a permanent body tasked with proposing legislative reforms to resolve the Kurdish issue. In his most recent video message, PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan also emphasized the importance of a legally mandated and comprehensive parliamentary commission.
The ruling AKP, however, envisions a temporary commission with membership reflecting the proportional strength of each party in Parliament. Under this plan, a 35-member commission chaired by Kurtulmuş would include 14–15 members from the AKP, 7–8 from CHP, 3 each from DEM and the MHP, 2 from the İYİ Party, and 1 from the Yeni Yol Party. Smaller parties such as the YRP and HÜDA-PAR would also have representatives.
If implemented, this setup would give the ruling People’s Alliance (AKP and MHP) a numerical majority. Opposition representatives argue that true dialog and reconciliation require decisions to be made by a qualified majority—three-quarters of the members. Government officials say that since the commission will only make proposals rather than pass laws, their plan is more realistic.
DEM WANTS QUICK ACTION
The structure, rules, and working procedures of the commission will be finalized next week. DEM Party members, among the strongest backers of the process, say it should be launched quickly without getting bogged down in technicalities and should remain responsive to evolving needs.
WHAT TO EXPECT?
What will the commission actually do? Answers differ between the government and the opposition. According to the AKP, the commission will help translate the work of security agencies into a political and social process. Intelligence officials, including the head of the MIT, may be invited to brief lawmakers. The commission could also propose legal revisions to ease laws previously justified by PKK activity.
The CHP, which has long championed parliamentary solutions, supports the commission but demands immediate reforms: ending the practice of appointing government trustees to elected municipalities, complying with ECHR and Constitutional Court rulings, revising anti-terror laws that limit free speech, and equalizing sentencing laws.
For the DEM Party, the first priority is the reintegration of PKK militants into society. Co-Chair Tuncer Bakırhan emphasized that the disarmament footage will only be symbolic, and that laws must be passed to define what disarmed militants will do, where they will go, and how long they will stay.
The DEM Party also draws attention to tens of thousands of Kurdish political prisoners, including former HDP co-chairs Selahattin Demirtaş and Figen Yüksekdağ, arguing that their cases should be part of the solution.
Decades of violence have left deep scars on all sides. Opposition figures stress that the commission must address the trauma of both families of fallen soldiers and those who lost children to the PKK in the mountains—fostering an atmosphere of healing, reconciliation, and peace.
Controversial issues like redefining citizenship beyond “Turkishness” or enabling Kurdish-language education have long been discussed in peace efforts. These would require constitutional changes. Both DEM and AKP politicians acknowledge that while now may not be the time for a new constitution, the groundwork must be laid—starting with building trust.
Whether the upcoming commission can meet the lofty expectations surrounding it remains to be seen. Yet opposition figures believe that if successful, the initiative could mark a decisive shift away from hardline security policies and towards a more democratic Turkey.
