By Nergis Demirkaya
As politics remains focused on CHP, the resignation of eight provincial chairs from the ruling AKP has prompted the question: What is happening on the government side?
The resignations of the provincial chairs of Çanakkale, Niğde, Adıyaman, Elazığ, Muğla, Ordu, Bitlis, and Tunceli—submitted within just 48 hours—were followed by statements from the party headquarters stressing that this was merely a “change of duties to take the party forward” and that “no criminal situation is involved.”
AKP Organization Head Ahmet Büyükgümüş explained that the decision came after the “Century of Turkey” meetings held across all 81 provinces during the summer. At these gatherings, where the party promoted its “Terror-Free Türkiye” vision and its economic program, organizational performance was also reviewed. “We made these decisions to advance the party and expand its political presence,” he said.
A senior AKP official told Turkey in Depth: “During the Turkey meetings, we graded local organizations based on criteria such as cohesion, skills, recruitment, and ability to expand influence. We asked chairs who fell short to step aside. Elections are approaching. We cannot continue with underperformers. Reviews are ongoing; more changes may follow.”
Another AKP deputy defended the moves as routine: “If we only changed leadership every 2-3 years at congresses, we wouldn’t have stayed in power for 23 years. Our organization is constantly monitored and renewed.”
Although party executives deliver these remarks, there is widespread criticism regarding the structure, management, and transformation of the organization.
CRITICS BEHIND CLOSED DOORS
It was former Central Decision and Executive Board (MKYK) member Şamil Tayyar who voiced these criticisms most openly. Welcoming the change of provincial chairs, Tayyar said: “The organizations needed a scalpel, and they are right to use it. I hope they won’t be timid and that they cut deeper, because the issue runs deep.” Aside from Tayyar, no one has spoken out publicly, but many assessments are circulating in AKP circles. Let’s list them one by one:
1- Unlike the CHP, AKP provincial organizations have seen little competitive congress activity. Since the shift to the Presidential System, all appointments have been centrally made. In the last two congress cycles, provincial chairs were appointed first, followed by formal elections. Many argue that this appointment system has drained dynamism and enthusiasm.
2- Candidate selection involves opinion polls and input from MPs and party executives, but factional disputes persist after appointments, reducing efficiency.
3- Critics claim economic clout, personal ties, and loyalty to certain figures matter more than merit, eroding commitment to the party’s cause.
4- The most common criticism of provincial and central executives is arrogance. Added to this is resentment over those who exploit their office for personal wealth, pursuing contracts and enriching themselves and their circle.
5- Longtime party members complain of stalled career paths, while politicians transferred from other parties are quickly elevated to top boards and guaranteed parliamentary slots, fueling resentment.
One veteran MP recalled the Refah Party era, when grassroots—especially women’s organizations—were the backbone. Today, he lamented, “The organizations are rotten. If the President shut down all 81 provincial branches, he’d get 60% of the vote. Party support would rise at least 10 points.”
CABINET SHIFT AWAITS 2026
Whether the resignations will solve these problems remains unclear, but talk of a cabinet reshuffle has already surfaced. A senior figure suggested an “election cabinet” could be appointed in 2026: “We’re entering the budget season; all ministers are preparing. Change is unlikely before then, but possible afterward, with the start of the new year.”
In the end, the Presidential System has centralized governance into “one-man rule.” Ministers, reduced to political technicians executing presidential directives, and centrally appointed AKP provincial organizations have all lost their former clout. Though Erdoğan designed the very system now criticized, party members look once again to him for the way out.
