After 47 years, the PKK has decided to disband and lay down arms. According to the group’s founder, Abdullah Öcalan, this marks a paradigm shift: the struggle will now continue through strengthened political engagement. Following what both the government and opposition have called a “historic” decision, change is now expected within the DEM Party—the Kurdish political movement’s representative in Turkish Parliament. As one MP who recently visited Öcalan on İmralı Island put it: “Even the PKK is changing—why wouldn’t the DEM Party?”
It’s only natural that this new political climate calls for a new party structure.
35 YEARS FROM HEP TO DEM
The Kurdish political movement’s presence in parliament began in 1990 with the People’s Labor Party (HEP). It had a string of successors, most formed when the Constitutional Court handed down a ban. HEP was followed by DEP, ÖZDEP, HADEP, DEHAP, DTP, BDP, HDP, YSP, and most recently, the DEM Party. After 35 years and 10 parties, the DEM Party is now preparing—of its own initiative—to discuss a new party structure that fits the political landscape shaped by the PKK’s decision to disarm.
The DEM Party’s Central Executive Committee has yet to make a formal decision, but party officials say a congress is being planned before the end of 2025. Debates around change and transformation within the party are expected to unfold in large-scale conferences that will include voices from across society in the lead-up to this congress.
NEW POLICIES, NEW STRUCTURE, NEW TEAMS
According to DEM Party members, the PKK’s decision to lay down arms will lift the shadow of arms from the party, paving the way for freer political engagement. Previously confined to Kurdish issues due to the trauma of violence, the party will now be able to broaden its platform—from environmental issues to workers’ rights—and organize more comfortably across Turkey, from the Black Sea to the Aegean. But this, they say, requires transformation in three key areas.
First, new policies must be developed that align with the new political climate. Second, the party’s organizational structure must be revised. Third, a new team must take over—one that reflects the updated vision. From co-chairs to the executive board, from the party’s name to its bylaws, a full restructuring is on the table. If the disarmament process moves forward smoothly, the DEM Party could evolve into a more powerful political force—with the potential, some say, to become the main opposition.
If the legal reforms expected after the disarmament take place, many seasoned and influential politicians—including former co-chairs Selahattin Demirtaş and Figen Yüksekdağ—could be released from prison. Politicians in exile due to court cases might also return. These figures are expected to strengthen the party. In addition, many academics, writers, intellectuals, and young people who have kept their distance from the party due to security concerns may now feel encouraged to join.
DEM PARTY SEEKS DIRECT MEETING WITH ÖCALAN
It is known that Öcalan criticized the DEM Party harshly during his meetings with the İmralı delegation. A leaked meeting note quoted him as saying he would “hold DEM’s congress himself” following the PKK’s dissolution congress. The DEM Party did not deny this. However, party officials interpreted the statement as Öcalan wishing to share his vision directly with party members.
According to sources, the DEM Party wants to meet with Öcalan separately from the İmralı delegation to discuss this issue. A new delegation—including Co-Chairs Tuncer Bakırhan and Hatimoğulları, along with several executive members—is expected to apply to the Ministry of Justice. The reason for the request is given as follows: “We know Öcalan has critiques and suggestions for the party. We want to hear and discuss them directly.”
It appears that once parliament goes into recess, the DEM Party will be busy organizing public meetings and rallies to strengthen the “peace process,” while simultaneously focusing on clarifying its internal transformation.
According to DEM Party members, current debates about election alliances in the new period are not realistic. The party’s approach to the 2028 elections and any possible alliances will only become clear after the party’s new policies, structure, and cadres are fully defined.