By Nergis Demirkaya
Former HDP Co-Chair Mithat Sancar described the government’s “Terror-Free Turkey” initiative as unique, “a process that differs from global conflict resolution practices. If successful, it will enter the world’s academic literature,” he said.
Sancar has a point. Globally, conflict resolution generally follows the steps of negotiation, consensus, and agreement—disarmament comes last. In Turkey, past processes also followed this pattern but failed before reaching disarmament. This time, the sequence is reversed: the process begins with disarmament before any negotiation.
This raises many questions. Mutual distrust remains, and the prevailing sentiment is described as “cautious optimism.” When questioned, the AKP and MHP differ slightly on their views of this evolving process.
When reminded of Sancar’s remark, an MHP strategist agreed—with a twist: “It’s not that it will enter the literature. It already has—it succeeded.” In the corridors of Parliament, the disarmament and its aftermath are discussed in terms of a multi-phase process.
According to government pundits, Bahçeli’s proposal, the DEM delegation’s subsequent meetings with Öcalan and other political parties, and the organization’s disbandment and disarmament decision are considered as three completed stages. AKP officials say that if the process yields positive results, legal reforms may follow. A parliamentary commission—suggested by Bahçeli and supported by other parties—is expected to handle these reforms.
According to the MHP, the critical milestone was the group’s decision to lay down arms—and this has been achieved. A senior MHP figure said the next steps are as follows:
“A group that has operated for nearly 50 years has decided to disarm. That is significant. Security institutions will monitor the disarmament process. In such a fast-moving process, mutual distrust is understandable. It’s now our responsibility to take steps based on legitimate, democratic demands. In that regard, establishing a parliamentary commission is important. Its size, structure, and decision-making processes can be debated. We’ve outlined a framework, and it seems to be positively received. The commission might take time to establish, but as a goodwill gesture, the release of seriously ill prisoners could be an early step.”
MHP READY TO AMEND ANTI-TERROR LAW
When asked if the anti-terror law could be changed, a senior MHP official responded, “Why not? We are open to it.”
According to some opposition politicians, constitutional amendments could gain support from the DEM Party during the PKK’s disarmament, potentially paving the way for President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan to stand for re-election. The MHP, which has proposed a new 100-article constitution and shared some of it publicly, says, “We want a new constitution, but it’s not right to link this process to that goal.”
According to MHP insiders, there is no tension between President Erdoğan and MHP Chair Bahçeli, and the party has not lost voter support. The MHP hopes nationalist rivals such as the İyi Party, which oppose the process outright, will find that stance hard to maintain. The CHP, initially distant, has begun to engage after the May 12 disarmament announcement, according to MHP.
KURDISH PROBLEM 80% SOLVED, TWO ISSUES LEFT
The AKP is also following the process with “cautious optimism.” A high-level party official said that during its 23 years in power, the AKP has taken significant steps to resolve the Kurdish issue and that the current climate—after the group’s disarmament—offers an opportunity to address remaining problems.
“We must not forget reforms,” said the senior AKP politician, “like allowing Kurdish names, launching a Kurdish TV channel, offering Kurdish as an elective course, and removing bans on Kurdish-language political campaigns. In fact, the PKK’s reasons for taking up arms no longer exist.”
A senior Kurdish politician said that 80% of the Kurdish question has been resolved, with two issues remaining—both requiring constitutional changes. The first is expanding access to mother tongue education. The second is amending the constitutional definition that “everyone bound to the Turkish state by citizenship is a Turk,” in a way that would be more inclusive of Kurdish identity. These topics are expected to be addressed by the planned parliamentary commission.
The AKP has welcomed MHP’s proposal to form a parliamentary commission. However, a concrete step in the PKK’s disarmament process will be expected before proceeding. The commission’s decisions will reportedly be advisory in nature, and it may be established after the new legislative term begins on Oct. 1.
RECIPROCAL STEPS EXPECTED
According to AKP members, the laws adopted during the 2013–2015 peace process will help ease the current process.
Significant progress can be made using existing laws without enacting new ones. Releasing ill inmates is a positive first gesture and might spark PKK reciprocation, according to AKP. Such steps might include releasing long-held intelligence officers and civil servants. Another gesture might be made toward the protesting Diyarbakır mothers—having their children disarm and return to Turkey would create a positive atmosphere.
AND DEMİRTAŞ?
As for former HDP Co-Chair Selahattin Demirtaş, who remains in prison despite a European Court of Human Rights ruling, his release may only become possible if the organization fully disarms.
Although members of the People’s Alliance (AKP and MHP) express optimism about the “Terror-Free Turkey” process, many of the opposition’s concerns remain unanswered. With presidential candidate Ekrem İmamoğlu’s detention—described by the CHP as the “March 19 coup”—and ongoing political operations, the question remains: “How can peace, democracy, and freedom emerge from an unlawful regime?” Still, many opposition figures, especially within the CHP, believe that a parliamentary commission could serve as a platform for negotiation and consultation, possibly yielding constructive outcomes.
