By Nergis Demirkaya
September was expected to be tough for the CHP due to ongoing investigations and trials—but no one expected a storm of this magnitude. Having fought operations targeting its municipalities for the past nine months, the CHP is now shaken by the court decision that appointed a “trustee” to its Istanbul congress. CHP members, calling this a “new judicial coup,” saw the move as the extension of operations against municipalities into the party itself. Speculation has grown that a trustee could also be appointed to the party headquarters in the coming days.
Will the CHP emerge from this process united and stronger—or weakened and divided? Within the party, there is genuine concern. For Özgür Özel’s leadership, this is yet another major test.
DISCUSSIONS ON CONGRESS
Debate over the party congress began right after the 38th Ordinary Congress, which put an end to 13 years of leadership under Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, and replaced him with Özgür Özel in November 2023. Allegations that “votes were bought” became the subject of lawsuits nearly a year after the congress. First, a case was filed in Ankara to annul the grand congress, followed by another to annul the Istanbul provincial congress.
The CHP argued that congresses and conventions are overseen by the Supreme Election Board and that annulment requests would not be accepted. But the surprise came from Istanbul, where the court ruled to appoint a trustee to the provincial congress. Now, there is talk that a similar decision could emerge from the grand congress trial in Ankara on Sept. 15.
The CHP celebrates its 102nd anniversary on Sept. 9 and has never dealt with such a situation.
According to senior CHP politicians, the trustee decision in Istanbul makes it impossible for the court in Ankara not to make a similar decision. They won’t be surprised if a similar decision comes for the grand congress.
One CHP politician who described the trustee decision in Istanbul as “We are in the eye of a storm” added: “If a similar ruling comes for the grand congress, this storm will turn into a hurricane. If we are not prepared, the ship will break apart.”
Party officials blame government figures for the trustee decision, but it is clear that the ruling has sparked fierce debate within the CHP, beyond its legal consequences. Right after the trustee decision, Özel said that Gürsel Tekin, who had accepted the role, was expelled from the party.
“Anyone who says they will take on this duty will also be expelled,” he warned. His words were widely interpreted as a message to former chair Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu, who had said in the lawsuit against the grand congress annulment: “If a duty falls on me to prevent a trustee being imposed on the party, I will take it.” Party leaders did not deny this interpretation.
Looking at developments, there is a strong possibility that in the Sept. 15 lawsuit to annul the grand congress, the CHP could face rulings that annul the congress, appoint a trustee or a committee to manage a new congress.
SEPARATION ON THE AGENDA
According to several influential politicians, since the government’s aim is to mire the CHP in internal disputes and weaken it, the chances are high that Kılıçdaroğlu will be tasked as a trustee if the ruling calls for one. In that case, if Kılıçdaroğlu accepts the role and is expelled, tensions within the party will be unavoidable. Some even argue that this tension could escalate to a full-blown split.
CHP dissidents critical of the new leadership propose only one recipe for salvation: a meeting between former chair Kılıçdaroğlu and current chair Özel to forge a common stance against possible risks. They argue that the two should draw up a joint roadmap to handle rulings such as trustee appointments or annulment decisions regarding the grand congress. A politician close to Kılıçdaroğlu said: “If the two leaders come together, and under Kılıçdaroğlu’s leadership—but with his commitment not to run again—they quickly call for a congress, we emerge from this process stronger.”
NO WAY OUT
But statements from the current leadership suggest this proposal finds little resonance. Since March 19, when the CHP’s presidential candidate Ekrem İmamoğlu was detained and arrested, the new leadership has been active on the streets and believes public support will carry them through. Within the party, slogans grow louder: “No one whom CHP members did not elect can enter the party building,” and “No CHP politician can lend themselves to this usurpation and dishonor.” With new twists unfolding daily, predicting tomorrow is difficult, but it is clear that CHP—an aspiring party of government—will have to expend enormous energy on internal disputes for a while.
As a mass party, the CHP has always thrived on internal debate. With its perennial dissenters, the party could yet emerge stronger from this storm. But if tensions are mishandled and lead to a major split, the real danger looms: disillusionment among voters. That would strip CHP of its claim to being a ruling-party-in-waiting, despite its frequent boasts of being Turkey’s leading party. For the new leadership, this is nothing less than a crucial test.