Analysis
Smart, independent reporting on Turkey's politics, economy and foreign affairs.
Izmir Metropolitan Mayor Cemil Tugay’s decision to join the AKP caused a major stir, bitter disappointment, and protests. After all, Izmir has long been regarded as a stronghold of left-wing politics. In fact, the city can be analyzed as “a city with center-right leanings that consistently votes for left-wing social democrats because of its opposition to the AKP.”
In football, the transfer window closed Sept. 4. But in politics, it remains wide open as the AKP presses on with a campaign of seduction and coercion unprecedented in Turkish political history.
Kurdish politics is preparing for a major structural overhaul as Turkey is expected to move forward with its peace initiative, referred to by the government as the 'Terror-Free Turkey' process.
The answer is no. Because seven years after breaking away from the AKP to found the Gelecek Party, it has become clear that the party itself has no future. Reading between the lines of his announcement that he will dissolve the party and step away from politics, one senses his acknowledgment that 'things are no longer working.'
A report by journalist Ebru Çelik of BirGün, who followed the story in person based on a tip and witnessed the events firsthand, proved that extras were gathered to act as supporters for a CHP party meeting for 950 lira (roughly $20) each. The story laid bare a case of manipulation between media and politics.
The 'two-camp' character of Turkey's media — a divide that long predated the AKP but sharpened under its rule — is shifting after the 'absolute nullity' ruling that is changing the dynamics of Turkish politics.
Some countries remember politics through monuments, trials, flags and anniversaries. Turkey, more emotional and dramatic, rather like its world-famous TV series, also remembers it through songs.
An upcoming presidential election for the Istanbul soccer club Fenerbahçe on June 6-7, has again highlighted the ties between football and politics. The leadership of Fenerbahçe is widely seen as a position of significant influence, not just a sporting role.
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğıan’s decision to appoint Akın Gürlek, a bogeyman for the main opposition CHP, as justice minister is the clear indication of a more bruising domestic politics ahead. The first sign of that came during the oath ceremony in Parliament. For the first time, a minister took the oath of office amid scuffles that escalated into pushing and shoving. AKP lawmakers formed what opposition deputies described as a “human wall” to shield the podium.
Political leadership here does not pass from father to son — at least not for the past century. Many have entered politics carrying their father’s surname; all of them sons. No daughter has ever tried. And almost none of these sons succeeded. Let’s count them.
Is cooperation among nationalist parties possible? What are the prospects and obstacles? Turkish politics has been polarized into two main blocs since the transition to the presidential system: the AKP on one side and the CHP on the other. While the AKP kept parties like the MHP, BBP, and HÜDA-Par in its orbit, the CHP advanced by forging open or tacit alliances with the DEM Party and İYİ Party. But this opposition front collapsed after the defeat in the 2023 elections.
Altan Öymen passed away this week at the age of 93. Throughout his long life, he always carried two umbrellas—journalism and politics. He journeyed nearly 75 years under both. One could have said “he wore two hats,” but “umbrella” suits Altan Öymen’s life better. A hat is for one person alone; an umbrella is something under which many can take shelter, from the sun and rain. That’s why Öymen chose not hats, but umbrellas. And under his umbrella, there was always room for more than just himself.