Analysis
Smart, independent reporting on Turkey's politics, economy and foreign affairs.
Ten years after the failed coup, the crackdown on Gülenist-owned businesses has become a revenue stream: the state has collected $1.5 billion from selling off seized firms — and the state fund managing them has grown into one of the country's largest conglomerates, its reach now extending far beyond the Gülenists.
A former top prosecutor, wanted for nearly a decade over his alleged ties to the Gülenist movement, which Turkey officially designated as a terrorist group, was arrested after police found him hiding in a secret compartment inside a wardrobe.
MHP Chair Devlet Bahçeli called for a probe into whether a new “parallel” structure has infiltrated the bureaucracy, ahead of criticisms of the judiciary. In comments about juvenile offenders, he recalled how the Gülen Terrorist Organization had established parallel networks within the government to cause chaos.
Enis Güçlü Şirin, the trustee appointed to İmamoğlu İnşaat—the family business of Istanbul Mayor Ekrem İmamoğlu—holds positions on the boards of more than 20 other companies. All the firms where Şirin serves are under the administration of Turkey’s Savings Deposit Insurance Fund (TMSF) which operates firms that have been seized by the state often because of bankruptcy, tax debts, or links to the Gülenist movement.
A Turkish ambassador serving in a Central Asian country before 2016 was criticized for not showing enough interest in the Gülenists schools. The envoy received several phone calls from AKP officials complaining he was not, for instance, visiting the schools frequently enough.
On the ninth anniversary of the July 15 coup attempt, Turkish authorities launched a new wave of raids targeting the Gülenist movement, which Turkey officially labels as the terrorist group “FETÖ.”
Soon after the AKP rulers felt secure enough against the country’s secular establishment, they started promoting Gülenists abroad. Foreign capitals were advised to work with Gülenist networks.
For some in Turkey whoever wins the White House in next week’s elections, it won’t make much difference. It might not be that simple. It is no secret that ever since the failed coup attempt in 2016, there has been bad blood between Ankara and the Democrats in Washington. The view that part of the U.S. establishment was close to the Gülenist movement and the lukewarm reaction shown to the coup attempt reinforced the conviction among AKP elites that had the coup succeeded, Washington was not going to shed tears for the toppling of the government.