Analysis
Smart, independent reporting on Turkey's politics, economy and foreign affairs.
On Jan. 20, 1921, as the War of Independence was still being fought, the Grand National Assembly adopted a Constitution whose first article began: Sovereignty belongs unconditionally to the nation (Hâkimiyet bilâ kaydü şart milletindir). On Oct. 29, 1923, the assembly added another sentence to that same article: The form of government of the Turkish state is the Republic (Türkiye Devletinin şekl-i hükûmeti Cumhuriyettir).
The Constitutional Court ended discussions about the Yeni Party’s name, but headquarters-backed candidates keep winning in the districts and provinces despite the promises to end the old CHP habit of central control.
Presidential Chief Legal Advisor Mehmet Uçum once again said that the next presidential election is set for March or April 2028, coinciding with renewed efforts to draft a new constitution.
Scores of journalists, activists, and politicians gathered outside the Constitutional Court Oct. 7 to protest censorship of social media accounts.
Ali Şekeroğlu, 60, took his own life outside the Constitutional Court while demanding a pay raise for retirees on Sept. 25. Şekeroğlu died by suicide with his own weapon.
The Constitutional Court will consider on Sept. 29 a request to annul the name of Yeni Party and remove it from the registry of political parties.
In recent weeks, Turkey has been debating claims of a new constitution, a revision of the system of government, and changes to the electoral law.
Debate is underway over how the political balance will shift after the “Framework Law,” which establishes the legal basis for the PKK’s disarmament process, passed the 600-seat parliament with a record 467 votes. The overwhelming support for the law is expected to whet the government’s long-standing appetite for a “new constitution.” But is that possible before the general election, now 20 months away if held on schedule?
The photos taken at the start of the new legislative year, in which President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan posed with chairs of opposition parties, including AKP breakaways, in the absence of the CHP, revealed the contest between the AKP and the CHP to win their support. After the images went viral, Erdoğan renewed his call for a new constitution more forcefully, while his ally, MHP Chair Devlet Bahçeli, insisted that the parliamentary commission visit PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan in İmralı and urged Öcalan to call on the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) to lay down arms. The same day, slogans in Kurdish for Öcalan’s freedom — “Biji Serok Apo” — were chanted at the DEM Party’s group meeting. The party, which holds the third-largest number of seats in parliament, could significantly alter the political dynamics if it supports a constitutional change. While the photos of opposition figures with Erdoğan drew sharp criticism in the opposition media, concerned about alienating them, CHP Chair Özgür Özel personally called all opposition party chairs to ease the row.
The AKP’s desire for a new constitution has become something of a political legend—talked about endlessly since it came to power in 2002, but never completed.
A district governor in Ankara has been surprisingly reassigned following his religious references, political posturing against CHP members, and social media arguments. Meanwhile, the President of the Constitutional Court addressed jurists with similar religious references while he was demanding they ensure justice through religious frameworks.
Although its initial decision was overlooked by a local court, the Constitutional Court once again ruled a violation since its ruling was not applied for the jailed city planner Tayfun Kahraman, finding that its earlier decision had not been implemented.