Analysis
Smart, independent reporting on Turkey's politics, economy and foreign affairs.
In Turkish culture, mercimek turns up everywhere: in the copper pot of the humblest esnaf lokantası cafe and the gleaming bowl of a New-Nordic fusion spot; in the taxi driver’s midnight soup as a welcome alternative to pungent tripe soup, and the dietician’s protein plan. If quinoa is aspirational and bulgur nostalgic, mercimek is foundational: a pulse that has nourished this land since it was the Fertile Crescent.
The collapse of the half-century-long Assad dynasty following the flight of Bashar Assad to Russia on Dec. 8, 2024 overjoyed pro-government circles here. Some even started to mention Aleppo as Turkey’s 82nd province, while the shares of cement and construction companies surged on the stock exchange.
A key lawmaker, Mustafa Şen, from Turkey's ruling AKP suggested that the government should discontinue the practice of appointing state trustees to replace elected mayors. 'The terrorist organization has concluded its activity. Therefore, if a trustee was appointed to a municipality for that reason, we believe the practice should now be ended,' Şen stated.
Feti Yıldız is not a “latecomer” but a nationalist raised in the movement — a core MHP figure. With the Kurdish peace process, he became the party’s most visible face after Devlet Bahçeli. At 71, he carries the aura of a character who stepped out of the classic Yeşilçam cinema of the 1970s, and onto the political stage — as if he came from there, yet without acting. He simply is who he is. Of course, he is not the lead role; that belongs to Bahçeli. But even if Yıldız looks like a character actor, his strength lies in being exactly what he appears to be. He is not one of those shapeshifting politicians. He steers clear of the MHP’s trademark overblown patriotic rhetoric. He avoids slogans. He usually answers journalists’ questions by staying within the framework of his profession — the law.
When Ukraine’s leader Volodymyr Zelenskyy landed in Ankara on Nov. 19, press reports had already started to make the headlines, revealing details of a peace plan drafted by the U.S. and Russia.
Abdurrahim Aksoy, a founding member of the DEVA Party, resigned over the party’s decision not to participate in the proposed İmralı delegation.
The ruling AKP submitted its 11th Judicial Package to Parliament, reviving a pandemic-era execution rule that could lead to the release of up to 115,000 inmates. The clause concerning juvenile offenders was removed from the final draft. Although the bill originally included prison sentences for LGBT+, this was also dismissed.
Central Bank Governor Fatih Karahan has likened inflation to a virus, saying it becomes harder to eliminate the longer it lingers in the economy. “We are applying the right prescription,” he said. “We’ve achieved positive results so far, and we have no doubts about our ultimate goal. But the effect of the prescription varies from case to case.”
A wedding portrayed the complexity and the changing dynamics of political relations in Turkish politics. Veteran politician Mehmet Sevigen, who was expelled from the CHP in 2021 and appears on TV screens as a sharp commentator against the CHP under Özgür Özel, managed to unite a range of opponents at his son’s wedding.
Aselsan’s Low-Observable Electro-Optical Targeting System (EOTS), known as Toygun, has been integrated into the fuselage of a Bayraktar Kızılelma, marking the first time globally that embedded EOTS technology has been implemented on an unmanned fighter aircraft, aviation company Baykar said.
Jailed former HDP co-chair Selahattin Demirtaş rejected remarks by former Parliament Speaker Bülent Arınç suggesting Demirtaş wished to meet President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan and tell him he held no resentment. After a visit to Edirne Prison, Arınç said Demirtaş wanted to tell Erdoğan, “I hold no grudge against you.” Demirtaş responded with a handwritten note, saying he never expressed such a thought. “What troubles me most is being associated with words and ideas I never hinted at,” he wrote.
In early November 2025, two gatherings revealed the evolving architecture of Eurasian energy and resource corridors: the “3+1” Energy Ministerial in Athens, bringing together Greece, Cyprus, Israel, and the United States, and the C5+1 Summit in Washington between the United States and the five Central Asian republics—Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan.