Analysis
Smart, independent reporting on Turkey's politics, economy and foreign affairs.
The post–Second World War international order is no longer being reformed. It is being deliberately and systematically dismantled. The assumption that today’s turbulence represents a temporary deviation from a rules-based system misses a more uncomfortable reality: the system itself is being hollowed out by its original architects.
İbrahim Kalın, head of the National Intelligence Organization (MIT), described the goal of a Terror-Free Turkey as a comprehensive, multi-layered and multi-phase transformation.
Even though Israel objects to Turkish soldiers serving in the Gaza International Stabilization Force (ISF), Defense Minister Yaşar Güler announced that soldiers are being trained for the task.
A large crowd gathered on Galata Bridge early Jan. 1 for a march in support of Palestinians, organized under the Humanity Alliance and the National Will Platform, chaired by Bilal Erdoğan, son of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.
With the start of 2026, the future of the peace initiative on the Kurdish issue remains uncertain. The mandate of the National Solidarity, Brotherhood and Democracy Commission, which includes representatives from all parliamentary parties except the İYİ Party, was extended by two months, and the commission has once again delayed finalizing its report, now expected in January.
Feti Yıldız is not a “latecomer” but a nationalist raised in the movement — a core MHP figure. With the Kurdish peace process, he became the party’s most visible face after Devlet Bahçeli. At 71, he carries the aura of a character who stepped out of the classic Yeşilçam cinema of the 1970s, and onto the political stage — as if he came from there, yet without acting. He simply is who he is. Of course, he is not the lead role; that belongs to Bahçeli. But even if Yıldız looks like a character actor, his strength lies in being exactly what he appears to be. He is not one of those shapeshifting politicians. He steers clear of the MHP’s trademark overblown patriotic rhetoric. He avoids slogans. He usually answers journalists’ questions by staying within the framework of his profession — the law.
When basketball player Alperen Şengün told an international audience that “rakı is our national drink,” he walked straight into a long domestic war over who is allowed to say “we” in Turkey. The outrage from certain commentators, demanding that the 23-year-old Houston Rockets center be punished for “promoting alcohol,” was predictable, not because of rakı itself, but because symbolic ownership of the drink has become a proxy for symbolic ownership of the nation.
İYİ Party Chair Müsavat Dervişoğlu condemned the parliamentary visit to İmralı, calling it a “national disgrace” and asserting that there is no statute of limitations for what he described as betrayal. İYİ Party deputy Alpaslan Yüce resigned from his party, saying it had abandoned its founding centrist ideals.
A rift has emerged between the two smaller nationalist partners in the People's Alliance, the MHP and the BBP, over talks held with Abdullah Öcalan.
Democrat Party (DP) Izmir Deputy Haydar Altıntaş has announced the party's withdrawal from the National Solidarity, Brotherhood, and Democracy Commission, citing objections to the delegation’s visit to İmralı where PKK leader Abdullah Öcalan has been jailed since 1999.
The National Solidarity, Brotherhood and Democracy Commission postponed its meeting scheduled for Nov. 13 for a second time after a Turkish military cargo plane crashed near the Georgia–Azerbaijan border, but the second postponement is now delaying the commission’s roadmap as well.
President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan concluded a three-day tour of the Gulf region on Oct. 23, with official visits to Kuwait, Qatar and Oman, amid ongoing international efforts to continue the cease-fire between Israel and Hamas in Gaza. While Gaza and Syria reportedly dominated the private discussions, official statements from the Turkish Presidency did not reference these issues.